The National Endowment for Fact-Checking Act
The quality of democratic governance in the United States is deteriorating. A healthy democracy
requires a healthy information ecosystem. Like termites eating away at the foundations of a house,
the electronic amplification of lies and misinformation is stealthily eroding the foundations of American
democracy. Congress must act now to address the problem before it is too late. The National Endowment
for Fact-Checking Act will help preserve the integrity of American democracy by reducing the electronic
amplification of false and misleading claims related to elections and public health. The Act is entirely
consistent with the First Amendment because it relies on private companies, not government sanctions,
to de-amplify habitual liars.
Independent Fact-Checking Organizations
Any system to reduce electronic amplification of false/misleading claims requires some
entity or entities to decide, on a case-by-case basis, whether a particular claim is true or false.
Empirical evidence demonstrates that individuals are not very good at making those judgments
for themselves. We cannot trust private companies to discriminate reliably between true and false
claims because a system entrusting that responsibility to private companies grants too much
power to a small number of large, private companies. The First Amendment bars Congress from
delegating to any government agency or official the primary responsibility for making case-by-
case decisions about which claims are true and false. Accordingly, the statute delegates that
responsibility to independent fact-checking organizations.
Under the statute, the federal government would provide funding to NEFC and NEFC
would distribute funds to existing fact-checking organizations. NEFC’s grantees would be
required to operate in accordance with the code of principles adopted by the International Fact-
Checking Network. Grantees could use federal funds to hire staff with substantive expertise
related to elections and public health. They could also use federal funds to hire IT staff to help
automate some fact-checking tasks so that they can process large volumes of information more
efficiently. All grantees would be required to:
- Monitor the public communications of PLEMs;
- Identify public communications by PLEMs that present false or misleading claims related
to elections and/or public health;
- Issue warnings to PLEMs who disseminate false or misleading claims, and to the EMCs
that provide electronic amplification services for them, and inform NEFC whenever they
issue such warnings.
The National Endowment for Fact-Checking (NEFC)
The statute acknowledges that NEFC has been incorporated as a private, nonprofit
corporation under the laws of the District of Columbia. The statute states explicitly that NEFC
“is not an agency or establishment of the United States Government.” Under the statute, NEFC’s
primary responsibilities are to:
- Provide funding to independent fact-checking organizations, and provide oversight to
ensure that those organizations comply with statutory requirements;
- Encourage, but not require, EMCs to de-amplify PLEMs who repeatedly disseminate
false or misleading claims after receiving warnings not to do so; and
- Provide detailed, quarterly reports to Congress, the FCC, and the public at large. NEFC’s
reports would specifically identify both the PLEMs who continue to disseminate false
and misleading claims after receiving warnings, and the EMCs that continue to amplify
those PLEMs after receiving recommendations to de-amplify them.
NEFC will be governed by a Board of Directors. The Board must at all times be
comprised of an even number of Directors. Board members may be independents, Democrats, or
Republicans, but the Board must have an equal number of Democratic and Republican Directors.
The Board will make all decisions by majority vote. All Board members and all NEFC
employees must swear an oath to carry out their responsibilities in a non-partisan manner,
prioritizing a principled commitment to truth over any partisan political agenda.
The Federal Communications Commission (FCC)
The statute creates two types of binding obligations for EMCs. They must prepare
quarterly reports to identify all persons who use their electronic amplification services who
qualify as PLEMs under the statutory definition. They must also pay fees assessed by the FCC to
fund implementation of the statute. The statute authorizes the FCC to impose penalties on EMCs
who fail to pay the statutory fees or fail to file the mandatory reports. The statute does not grant
the FCC authority to impose penalties on EMCs that continue to amplify PLEMs after receiving
recommendations to de-amplify them (although the FCC may have such authority under existing
law). The statute grants the FCC authority to promulgate regulations to promote effective
implementation of the law.
What Would the Statute Accomplish?
By providing federal funding, the statute would enable existing fact-checking
organizations to perform their missions more effectively and efficiently. The overall statutory
scheme—including warnings to PLEMs who disseminate false/misleading claims,
recommendations to EMCs to de-amplify PLEMs who ignore such warnings, and regular reports
to Congress and the FCC to “name and shame” EMCs who refuse to follow such
recommendations—will reduce the electronic amplification of misinformation related to
elections and public health. The statute provides incentives for PLEMs to tell the truth, or risk
losing their ability to reach large audiences via electronic megaphones. It also encourages EMCs
to de-amplify PLEMs who ignore repeated warnings, or risk reputational harm that could affect
their profitability.
The statute does not impose civil or criminal penalties on PLEMs who persistently
disseminate false or misleading claims, nor does it impose penalties (other than reputational
harm) on EMCs who continue to amplify those PLEMs. Hence, skeptics may wonder whether
the statute would actually reduce electronic amplification of misinformation. In fact, the absence
of civil or criminal sanctions is a feature, not a bug. The lack of such penalties is a key feature
that will help the statute survive constitutional scrutiny under the First Amendment.
NEFC’s reports to Congress will provide a factual basis for Congress to determine—after
the law has been implemented for a few years—whether a statutory scheme that relies primarily
on “nudging” provides a sufficiently strong remedy to protect American democracy. Congress
might ultimately decide, based on NEFC’s reporting, that civil and/or criminal penalties are
necessary to protect our democracy from the danger posed by electronic amplification of
misinformation. In that case, an amended statute including such penalties would be much more
likely to survive a First Amendment challenge because the government could argue that it tried
less restrictive means (i.e., nudging), but those less restrictive means did not achieve a
sufficiently large reduction in the electronic amplification of lies and misinformation related to
elections and public health.
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